Alt Labour and Worker Centres
In: Forthcoming as a chapter in B. Langille, G. Davidov, and G. Lester (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of the Law of Work
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In: Forthcoming as a chapter in B. Langille, G. Davidov, and G. Lester (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of the Law of Work
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In: Journal of Legal Education (forthcoming)
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In: University of Chicago Law Review, Band 90(2)
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In: 20 Journal of Law & Society 300 (2020)
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Working paper
In: Chicago-Kent Law Review, Band 95, Heft 1
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In: New labor forum: a journal of ideas, analysis and debate, Band 27, Heft 2, S. 106-112
ISSN: 1557-2978
In: University of Chicago Legal Forum, Band 2017
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Working paper
In: Law and Social Inquiry, Band 43, Heft 4, S. 1574-1603
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In: Revista de Derecho Laboral y Seguridad Social 2, no. 1 (2014): 13-26.
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In: Employee Rights and Employment Policy Journal, Band 17, Heft 2 : 291-307
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In: Hofstra Labor and Emploment Law Journal, Band 29
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In: WorkingUSA: The Journal of Labor and Society, Band 10.3, S. 287
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In: Saint Louis University Law Journal, Band 54, S. 497
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In: Working USA: the journal of labor & society, Band 12, Heft 2, S. 235-247
ISSN: 1743-4580
In October of 2008, the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) failed to obtain majority support to represent a 40,000‐member bargaining unit of public school teachers in Puerto Rico even though it had most of the odds stacked in its favor: a huge war chest, a decertified and bankrupt rival, and the Puerto Rican government qua employer's neutrality, if not outright support. The Federación de Maestros de Puerto Rico, the SEIU's rival, campaigned against the SEIU's bid for exclusive representation by focusing on rank‐and‐file mobilization and a message against raiding by a "colonial" union. The event showed that even progressive and successful unions such as the SEIU are not immune to oligarchic tendencies and may raid other unions in pursuit of money and power. Strategies that combine more democratic, bottom‐up mobilization, including, in the case of Puerto Rico, strengthening the long‐established tradition of minority unionism, could dampen future oligarchic tendencies, buttress industrial democracy, and create better coexistence between trade union organizations. To move forward, especially given the global crisis that has befallen us, unions need to start acting in the most principled of ways and expressing solidarity in the deepest manners.
In: Working USA: the journal of labor & society, Band 10, Heft 3, S. 287-299
ISSN: 1743-4580
Leaders of American‐based labor organizations in Puerto Rico aggressively supported a collective bargaining rights bill for public sector workers in 1998 because, so they argued, the new law would help organize the public sector. However, almost ten years after the approval of that bill, it has become patently clear that the law did not lead to new organizing in Puerto Rico. Rather, the law changed the institutional makeup of labor relations in Puerto Rico by providing American‐based labor organizations an opportunity to raid existing Puerto Rican labor organizations and become the exclusive representatives of public sector workers. Therefore, since the law was approved, a war between some American‐based unions and some Puerto Rico‐based labor organizations has ensued, one where the Puerto Rican unions accuse U.S. unions of being "labor colonialists," while American‐based labor unions deny the accusations and label their critics as ultra leftists, splintering the labor movement and making it an ineffective defender of working class interests. Hence, the new law, far from delivering the hundreds of thousands of new union members that union leaders promised, has created a political nightmare for labor organizations in Puerto Rico. U.S. labor unions are at fault for contributing to the current divisions in the Puerto Rican labor movement, but all unions, including independent Puerto Rican unions, must find a way out of the deadlock to concentrate on their most important goal—represent their members and become effective leaders for the Puerto Rican working class.